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Although Strauss espoused the utility of religious belief, there is some question about his views on its truth. He especially disapproved of contemporary dogmatic disbelief, which he considered intemperate and irrational and felt that one should either be "the philosopher open to the challenge of theology or the theologian open to the challenge of philosophy.

Strauss was not himself an orthodox believer, neither was he a convinced atheist. Since whether or not to accept a purported divine revelation is itself one of the "permanent" questions, orthodoxy must always remain an option equally as defensible as unbelief.

Feser's statement invites the suspicion that Strauss may have been an unconvinced atheist, or that he welcomed religion as merely practically useful, rather than as true.

The supposition that Strauss was an unconvinced atheist is not necessarily incompatible with Dannhauser's tentative claim that Strauss was an atheist behind closed doors.

Dannhauser on Leo Strauss and Atheism," an article published in Interpretation: A Journal of Political Philosophy.

Gildin exposed inconsistencies between Strauss's writings and Dannhauser's claims; he also questioned the inherent consistency of Dannhauser's admittedly tentative evaluation of Strauss's understanding of divinity and religion.

At the end of his The City and Man , Strauss invites his reader to "be open to the full impact of the all-important question which is coeval with philosophy although the philosophers do not frequently pronounce it—the question quid sit deus ["What is God?

As a philosopher, Strauss would be interested in knowing the nature of divinity, instead of trying to dispute the very being of divinity.

But Strauss did not remain "neutral" to the question about the "quid" of divinity. Already in his Natural Right and History , he defended a Socratic Platonic, Ciceronian, Aristotelian reading of divinity, distinguishing it from a materialistic, conventionalist, Epicurean reading.

Atheism, whether convinced overt or unconvinced tacit , is integral to the conventionalist reading of civil authority, and thereby of religion in its originally civil valence, a reading against which Strauss argues throughout his volume.

Drury who profess that Strauss approached religion as an instrument devoid of inherent purpose or meaning. Some critics of Strauss have accused him of being elitist , illiberalist and anti-democratic.

Shadia Drury , in Leo Strauss and the American Right , claimed that Strauss inculcated an elitist strain in American political leaders linked to imperialist militarism , neoconservatism and Christian fundamentalism.

Drury argues that Strauss teaches that " perpetual deception of the citizens by those in power is critical because they need to be led , and they need strong rulers to tell them what's good for them.

Strauss has also been criticized by some conservatives. According to Claes G. Ryn , Strauss's anti-historicist thinking creates an artificial contrast between moral universality and "the conventional," "the ancestral," and "the historical.

Contrary to Strauss's criticism of Edmund Burke, the historical sense may in fact be indispensable to an adequate apprehension of universality.

Strauss's abstract, ahistorical conception of natural right actually distorts genuine universality, Ryn contends.

Strauss does not consider the possibility that real universality becomes known to human beings in concretized, particular form.

Strauss and the Straussians have paradoxically taught philosophically unsuspecting American conservatives, not least Roman Catholic intellectuals, to reject tradition in favor of ahistorical theorizing, a bias that flies in the face of the central Christian notion of the Incarnation, which represents a synthesis of the universal and the historical.

According to Ryn, the propagation of a purely abstract idea of universality has contributed to the neoconservative advocacy of allegedly universal American principles, which neoconservatives see as justification for American intervention around the world—bringing the blessings of the "West" to the benighted "rest".

Strauss's anti-historical thinking connects him and his followers with the French Jacobins , who also regarded tradition as incompatible with virtue and rationality.

Journalists such as Seymour Hersh have opined that Strauss endorsed noble lies , "myths used by political leaders seeking to maintain a cohesive society.

These include a belief that the state's land belongs to it even though it may have been acquired illegitimately and that citizenship is rooted in something more than the accidents of birth.

In his book, Straussophobia , Peter Minowitz provides a detailed critique of Drury, Xenos, and other critics of Strauss whom he accuses of "bigotry and buffoonery.

Smith , Robert Alter writes that Smith "persuasively sets the record straight on Strauss's political views and on what his writing is really about.

In particular, Strauss argued that Plato's myth of the philosopher king should be read as a reductio ad absurdum , and that philosophers should understand politics, not in order to influence policy but to ensure philosophy's autonomy from politics.

Lilla summarizes Strauss as follows:. Philosophy must always be aware of the dangers of tyranny, as a threat to both political decency and the philosophical life.

It must understand enough about politics to defend its own autonomy, without falling into the error of thinking that philosophy can shape the political world according to its own lights.

Finally, responding to charges that Strauss's teachings fostered the neoconservative foreign policy of the George W. Bush administration, such as "unrealistic hopes for the spread of liberal democracy through military conquest," Professor Nathan Tarcov, director of the Leo Strauss Center at the University of Chicago, in an article published in The American Interest , asserts that Strauss as a political philosopher was essentially non-political.

After an exegesis of the very limited practical political views to be gleaned from Strauss's writings, Tarcov concludes that "Strauss can remind us of the permanent problems, but we have only ourselves to blame for our faulty solutions to the problems of today.

Had academia leaned to the right, he would have questioned it, too—and on certain occasions did question the tenets of the right.

Straussianism is the name given "to denote the research methods, common concepts, theoretical presuppositions, central questions, and pedagogic style characteristic of the large number of conservatives who have been influenced by the thought and teaching of Leo Strauss.

The approach "resembles in important ways the old New Criticism in literary studies. There is some controversy in the approach over what distinguishes a great book from lesser works.

Harvey Mansfield has argued that there is no such thing as "Straussianism" yet there are Straussians and a school of Straussians.

Mansfield describes the school as "open to the whole of philosophy" and without any definite doctrines that one has to believe to belong to it.

Almost the entirety of Strauss's writings has been translated into Chinese; and there even is a school of Straussians in China, the most prominent being Liu Xiaofeng Renmin University.

As the editors of a recent volume write, "the reception of Schmitt and Strauss in the Chinese-speaking world and especially in the People's Republic of China not only says much about how Schmitt and Strauss can be read today, but also provides important clues about the deeper contradictions of Western modernity and the dilemmas of non-liberal societies in our increasingly contentious world.

Mansfield , Steven B. Smith and Steven Berg, though never students of Strauss, are "Straussians" as some followers of Strauss identify themselves.

Richard Rorty described Strauss as a particular influence in his early studies at the University of Chicago, where Rorty studied a "classical curriculum" under Strauss.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Leo Strauss Leo Strauss. Continental philosophy Neo-Kantianism early Modern Platonism [1] Straussian hermeneutics [2] Classical republicanism [3] Modern republicanism [4] Neoconservatism.

Metaphysics Epistemology History of philosophy esp. Christian right Christian fundamentalism Jewish right Islamic fundamentalism Traditionalist Catholic.

Johns Hopkins UP, , p. Strauss represented a type [of democracy], and that is the Federalist 's democratic republic. The type of democracy that is essentially based on a representative republic governed by an elected, natural aristocracy of merit.

I regard that to be a genuine type of democracy in the self-undestanding of the founders. Random House Webster's Unabridged Dictionary.

Retrieved 20 October The Story of a Friendship. The Making of a Political Philosopher p. Leo Strauss and the Politics of Exile: The Making of a Political Philosopher.

University of Chicago Press, [], p. Essays and Lectures in Modernity preface p. Smith, Reading Leo Strauss: U of Chicago P, 29— University of Chicago Press Drury, Political Theory magazine, Vol.

Leo Strauss in the s. Edited by Martin D. Yaffe and Richard S. University of Chicago Press. Essays — New York: Simon and Schuster, — Intellectuals in Politics , New York: New York Review Books, p.

Pangle, "Epilogue", —38 in History of Political Philosophy , ed. Leo Strauss and Joseph Cropsey, 3rd ed. University of Chicago Press, —8. Free Press, 22—23, University of Detroit Press, 47— The Free Press, 18— Rand McNally, 10— University of Chicago Press, University of Chicago Press, p.

Leo Strauss in His Letters in Enlightening revolutions: Political Philosopher and Jewish Thinker pp. A Latitude for Statesmanship: Thomas in Leo Strauss: Political Philosopher and Jewish Thinker , ed.

Deutsch and Walter Nicgorski, pp. For an early treatment of Aquinas' understanding of the relation between philosophy and sacred, revealed law, see Strauss's early Philosophy and Law Philosophie und Gesetz , where Christian medieval theology testifies to a less than amicable opposition between pagan though not necessarily Platonic or political philosophy and Biblical morality.

Smith's Reading Leo Strauss: Archived November 15, , at the Wayback Machine. A Journal of Political Philosophy Vol.

Ryn, "Leo Strauss and History: The Philosopher as Conspirator," Humanitas , Vol. Retrieved February 16, Paul Gottfried, "Paul Gottfried: Retrieved June 1, Why Do Neoconservatives Doubt Darwin?

Also see " Straussophobia: Smith , Reading Leo Strauss: Politics, Philosophy, Judaism Chicago: U of Chicago P, Smith , excerpt from "Why Strauss, Why Now?

U of Chicago P, , online posting, press. NY Review of Books, Archived from the original on The New York Times. Retrieved March 30, Henrie May 5, Retrieved 14 March Deutsch and John A.

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